L’Alsace sera Européenne ou ne sera pas


La vie politique alsacienne est riche en contradictions. La région est traditionnellement pro-européenne et biculturelle. En même temps, les candidats des partis souverainistes (Le Pen, Dupont-Aignan et autres) ont recueilli ensemble plus de 30% des voix alsaciennes lors du premier tour des dernières élections présidentielles.

Non seulement ces partis sont radicalement opposés à l’idée européenne mais ils sont porteurs d’une idée de la France fortement jacobine, ne laissant pas de place à la diversité linguistique et l’autonomie des territoires.

Lisez la suite dans l’Elsass Journal de Septembre 2017


Quo vadis Alsace? Politics in the land of paradox

Alsace stands at a crossroad. It can either become diluted in a vast territory without history and identity, alienated from its neighbours and with a high support for French nationalism. Or it can fulfil its historic destiny and become a bridge between cultures, at the centre of Europe and proud of its diverse identity. To be or not to be, that is the Alsatian question.

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Dutch to have their say on Ukraine’s road to Europe

“If we vote ‘No’ we would basically abandon the people of Ukraine, we should not do that,” A small group of people passionately argue on the square facing the Dutch parliament in The Hague. It is an unusually cold Monday night beneath the statue of William of Orange. The protesters are discussing a country to which none of them has ever been. Two young men try to convince an older man that he should not vote “yes” in the upcoming referendum, as this would provoke Putin and that Ukraine should solve its own problems with corruption before seeking closer ties with the European Union. These arguments can be read in any Dutch newspaper, in addition to daily stories about Ukraine and its politics.

Continue reading on: New Eastern Europe

Nagorno-Karabakh: European dreams

Even before the polls closed, reactions from the international community came in. A spokesperson of the European foreign policy Chief Federica Mogherini stated that ‘the European Union does not recognise the constitutional and legal framework of the elections’. The United States State Department indicated that ‘it will not accept the results of the elections’. Romania’s foreign ministry labelled the elections ‘illegal’. For Spain they were illegitimate. Ukraine stated that the results of the elections cannot have ‘any legal consequences’.

These comments were not made after the recent elections in Turkmenistan, where the current president was elected with 97.14% of the votes. Nor were they made after the presidential elections in Kazakhstan, which saw its current president re-elected with 97.75% of the votes in April.  These statements concerned an election which was described by about 100 international observers as ‘in line with international standards’, ‘orderly, free, secret and equal’ with a turnout ‘many European countries would dream of’. The only problem was that these parliamentary elections took place in an internationally unrecognised state: the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic.

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The Zapatistas at 20: Change without taking power


‘We are sorry for the inconvenience, but this is a revolution’.1 This is what Subcomandante Marcos told a group of tourists who feared they wouldn’t be able to make it to their destination during the Zapatista armed uprising in the Chiapas, Southern Mexico. These words were spoken twenty years ago. Others may equally, if not more, have been disturbed. Such as the Mexican government which had just ratified the North American Free Trade Agreement treaty. Or those who thought this was the end of history. That liberal capitalism was the final horizon of humanity.

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